It's Black History Month in the UK, and it appears it’s time for a rethink. Throughout its history, an observance that began as a commemorative event of history, culture and the connections between Black populations worldwide, has taken on a corporate feel, broadening to incorporate events where African descendants are compensated to speak with white audiences about implicit prejudice and active solidarity. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests created a surge in the business of displaying cultural sensitivity. But even that moment has passed. The surge has reached its height, resulting in a somewhat empty inheritance of what increasing understanding is for.
First commemorated in the US and Canada, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as an observance of African American heritage by historian of African descent Carter G. Woodson with multiple days of commemoration and observance in the second week of February. Black History Month evolved from this movement and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Currently it is marked not only in the North America in February, but also in autumn in the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Republic of Ireland and the Holland.
The month has evolved since that time, placing less emphasis on the accounts of the slave trade across the Atlantic and fights for racial justice, and more on notable African descendants in public life, creative fields, and advocacy, and widely honoring the impact Black people have made to mold society. It is in schools where Black History Month is most commonly celebrated, with discussions and heritage festivities. But the manner the month is observed is a reflection of the political moment. How it progresses is a instructive case in how co-option leads to dismantling: the reshaping of Black History Month has hindered the objective of it, which is to address embedded and established prejudice.
Hardly anything shows how critical it is to reconsider Black History Month better than the current time in which it falls this year. In the United Kingdom, a reemerging right-wing in the form of the Reform organization is ahead in surveys. In the recent season we saw the largest far-right rally in the history of Britain. the Conservative leader, the African descendant in charge of the right-wing political group, is a staunch adversary of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a position where a elected representative feels empowered to state that a lack of white people in specific city neighborhoods is a source of worry. Meanwhile, ultra-nationalist movements are surging in the EU as a complete entity.
In the US, a colossal assault against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been brought, often successfully, to the supreme judicial bodies of the nation. A campaign to remove the history of people of color and experience from the historical documents is in progress. One of Donald Trump's early administrative commands aimed at the museum of African American legacy, and the renowned cultural organization, claiming they of a organized and extensive campaign to alter the country's historical narrative” by representing the nation “as inherently racist”.
Against this backdrop, the month represents how little it can be effective if it is confined to either routine organizational acknowledgments, or politically neutered celebrations of historical achievements, rather than confronting the realities of the current era. It also reveals how its short period means that it is separated from the more extensive continuous action that is required. Denise Miller, a educator at a learning establishment, put it best when she voiced worries about the fleeting superficial actions of the celebration. “The problem with taking a tokenistic approach”, she wrote, “is that it typically leads to that Black History Month turns into a fleeting performance rather than a catalyst for change.”
Establishing how to adapt, revise and extend actions for racial equality and recognition in such moments of dejection and worry is a difficult task. There is a inclination to just eliminate events including Black History Month altogether, thinking they are no longer suitable, or are vestiges of an period that has not worked.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the complete comprehensive structure and tradition of activism for racial justice – community-based BLM initiatives, diversity equity and inclusion initiatives, and certainly, even commercial engagements – constitute an framework that a lot of work has been dedicated to. It is there not only to deteriorate as the politics moves on (and in fact, declines), but to be a vital organism.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month appear as? To begin with, it would be more than a single focused period: something that is spread out through the year (as various establishments are already beginning to do), sections of its curriculum (particularly around prominent figures of color) incorporated into school curriculums. It would also be a time that does not shy away from political issues, and provides room for people, particularly the younger generation, to express their concerns and stories. What purpose serves mere awareness of the past when it doesn’t reckon with the present reality of far-right rallies in the street? Institutions who celebrate it should not be pacified with the non-confrontational words of “unconscious bias” and alertness to subtle slights, but faced with the threats that impact society if fight against prejudice is not approached earnestly. In short, Black History Month should be made contemporary, pressing, and adaptive. It could be that an entire name rebrand is in order – Black History is Now Month.
Elara Vance is a technology strategist with over a decade of experience in IT consulting, specializing in digital transformation and cybersecurity solutions.